Don’t Be Complacent – Reform Is Bigger Than Farage

“There’s no money in politics… if you’re straight” were the words Nigel Farage once uttered when discussing whether he had entered politics for financial reasons. Whilst it brings me great pain to admit, I find myself agreeing with him.

As a newcomer to the world of Westminster politics, I am in what can only be described as a state of destitution. Between meeting MPs for coffee chats and typing up my ToryDiaries, I keep saying to myself that one day this will all pay off. That one day, I could earn the big bucks.

But despite such downbeat comments, Farage has seemingly made politics pay. It began with a £5 million gift from Thai-based, crypto-billionaire Christopher Harborne. Then followed the revelation that Farage had earned £270,000 from Gold Bullion for just 12 hours worth of work. Then there were a string of homes which he had failed to declare to Parliament and finally, as the Times revealed on Saturday, Farage also possesses strong ties to convicted criminal George Cottrell. It goes back to Farage’s interview – whilst there may be no money in politics if you’re straight, “if you’re corrupt, there’s probably money.” 

It is a damning indictment on the man who proclaims to be a voice of the working class. The Farage that has come to light on account of these revelations is a far cry from the working man image he is so keen to portray to the public. Gone, it appears, is the Farage you can share a pint and a fag with at the pub. He has been exposed as the self-serving, profiteering politician which he is, whose interests lie with Farage Inc, not the United Kingdom.

It gives the Conservatives a very clear attack line. Up until now, the attacks against Farage and Reform have been somewhat weak. Criticisms about Reform’s nationalisation plans are true, but they are not particularly hard hitting. Telling someone that they should not vote Reform on the grounds that they don’t subscribe to a small-c conservative ideology isn’t the vote winner some may think it is.

These stories must now form the basis of the Tories’ attack strategy. Sleaze and Farage must become synonymous with one another. When one talks about Reform, corruption must follow soon after. Make the two inseparable from one another. Let us borrow a tactic from their strategy book. Much in the same way as Reform conflated Boris with mass migration, we too should do the same with Farage and sleaze.

But is this enough to bring down the movement that is Reform? ‘Cut off the head of the snake and the body will die’ the famed idiom goes. Many will apply the same logic here. Despite attempts to outgrow Farage, Reform is still, in some ways, a one-man band. The support act is rehearsing backstage, but it is not quite there yet.

Tory MPs seem to recognise this. “It’s all about him” one tells me, “without Farage, they will be gone in no time.” Another put it very plainly to me: with so many criticisms about Farage, and Farage only, this is quickly becoming a case of “death by a thousand cuts.”  

The logic of such arguments is not far fetched. When one thinks of Reform’s big names, who else is there aside from Farage? Would it be Richard Tice, the man married to a journalist who spends most of her time bathing in the Dubai sun? Or perhaps Zia Yusuf, the man considered so toxic that he has been blocked from standing as a candidate. Or maybe its Lee Anderson, who seems to prioritise petting his bacon butty over speaking up for his constituents.

These examples may seem overly critical, but they all highlight a single, conclusive point – there really isn’t anyone aside from Nigel.

Ridding Reform of him would therefore, by this logic, be enough to kill off the party.

I would take this view with rather a large pinch of salt, however. Despite many feeling that this could spell the end for Farage, many senior MPs are quick to point out that Reform has steadily begun to outgrow the MP for Clacton. Whilst “the cracks are appearing for certain” one Shadow Cabinet member tells me, “whether it’s enough to see him go remains to be seen.” 

“We musn’t think that Reform is purely Nigel’s creature” another senior MP says, “I think it’s grown a bit further than that now.” 

Reform have come to realise that tying their electoral fortunes to the reputation of one man is a risky endeavour. When he does well, so too does the party. But when he falls, the party falls as well. It is only natural that the party would seek to move away from a reliance on the former UKIP leader.

But many may feel that once Farage has gone, then the war has been won. A sense of complacency may grip some within the party. That with Farage ousted, they can – at last – put their feet up and relax.

Yet, it is critical that they mustn’t. Reform, as an idea, is bigger than Farage. It is about anti-establishmentism, grounded in grievance-based politics. Voters still feel let down by the mainstream parties. They still see their bills climbing higher and higher, all whilst their standard of living flatlines.

The removal of Farage does not magic these things away. Voters will not suddenly turn back to the Conservatives – they will look elsewhere to direct their anger of the current political system. That could be to alternative parties, yes, but it could also be to whoever takes up the mantle for Reform if Farage goes. Whilst figures such as those I listed above are less well known to the public, they still act as a vessel for the anger which many voters feel. It is less so about the person at the top, and more about what they represent. In many voters’ minds, they will continue to vote for Reform solely because they are not Labour or the Conservatives.

But one must remember that this all assumes that Farage will be removed from his post. This is not, by any stretch of the imagination, a guaranteed scenario. He has weathered previous scandals, and so there is reason to assume that this won’t be any different. Whilst the possibility of having to contest a recall election could deter him from continuing on, he has proven before that he is a fighter. He is most combative when his back is up against the wall, after all.