A generation raised on trigger warnings is now mainlining Britain’s most triggering man.
JOHN MAC GHLIONN
The establishment is having a collective nervous breakdown, and for good reason. The latest polling delivers a shock that would have been dismissed as sheer delusion just months ago: Nigel Farage’s Reform UK commanding 34% support, steamrolling past Labour by nine points, while the Conservative Party faces near-extinction with a projected 12 seats. But here’s what should terrify the ruling class even more than Farage’s surge: who is driving it.
Once upon a time, Nigel Farage was shorthand for everything modern young women were told to hate. Beer-swilling, Brexit-backing, unapologetically male. He wasn’t supposed to survive the culture shift, let alone attract her—the 22-year-old with an iPhone, a nose ring, and a political science degree from a university that thinks Margaret Thatcher was a war criminal. And yet here she is, nodding along with Reform UK. Voting for him. Posting Farage clips on TikTok.
.
The progressive playbook didn’t account for this plot twist: what happens when the demographic you’ve spent decades cultivating suddenly stops buying what you’re selling? What happens when your most reliable voters start asking uncomfortable questions about mass immigration, economic stagnation, and whether diversity really is their strength when they can’t afford rent?
The answer, apparently, is electoral annihilation for the mainstream parties and the rise of a man who was supposed to be politically extinct by now. Welcome to Britain’s great realignment, where the political establishment just got mugged by reality.
Here’s the uncomfortable truth: feminism lied. Not the suffragettes who fought for the vote, or even the second-wavers who tackled genuine workplace discrimination. No, I’m talking about the boutique feminism peddled since the 1990s, the kind that convinced women they’d find liberation by speaking like HR managers with head trauma. This feminism traded Joan of Arc for Gwyneth Paltrow. It promised empowerment and delivered wine-soaked book clubs, therapy-speak, and a generation of thirty-something women wondering why they’re so exhausted, so isolated, and so damn unhappy. The buyer’s remorse is setting in hard.
Enter Farage—not as a fantasy, but as a correction. Not a sex symbol, but a seismic shift. His appeal transcends politics; it’s existential. He’s not offering perfect policy; he’s offering a raised middle finger to a culture that demanded women contort themselves into impossible shapes, work themselves barren, and date men who treat masculinity like a hate crime.
Farage represents something the establishment can’t comprehend: unapologetic authenticity. The left love painting him as some moth-eaten relic pining for empire. They’re wrong—catastrophically so. Farage isn’t archaic; he’s traditional. And therein lies their confusion. The modern left can’t distinguish between values and Victorianism. They see conviction and assume it’s crusty conservatism. They hear “England” and picture colonial cosplay.
But Farage doesn’t perform. He doesn’t shape-shift for focus groups or rehearse his authenticity in front of ring lights. In an era ruled by cowards and careerists, his refusal to bend the knee is a gravitational force. He speaks with sharp, deliberate precision—no stammering, no hedging, no hiding when the digital mob comes snarling. While others grovel, recalibrate, or hide behind PR-speak, he plants his feet and fires.
A recent Politico article featured Charlotte Hill, a 25-year-old Reform councillor who abandoned English Lit for construction management. Why? Because she was tired of being the only non-Marxist in a classroom crawling with Corbyn cultists and perpetually triggered thought police. She didn’t want sensitivity readers—she wanted steel beams. And she’s not alone.
Hill speaks for an entire generation of young British women who are sick to death of weakness masquerading as progress. She speaks for women who crave actual strength, not the performative kind, who look at Nigel Farage and see something nearly extinct in British politics: a man who speaks without apologizing for every syllable. She talks about Farage the way some women talk about their pilates instructor: with respect bordering on reverence. Because Farage didn’t just survive the cultural struggle sessions; he burned down the lecture hall and walked out with a pint.
Compare that to Keir Starmer, a man who sounds like he’s rehearsing his own eulogy every time he speaks. Then there’s the rest of the male political class: beige apparatchiks in off-the-rack suits, paralyzed by their own shadow. Farage, for all his flaws, doesn’t flinch. He doesn’t genuflect before the woke inquisition. And for a growing number of young women sick of being force-fed progressive pablum, that’s very appealing.
Reform is offering something Hill’s generation has been systematically denied: limits, consequences, and a politics rooted in how the world actually works. Marriage tax breaks. Scrapping the two-child benefit cap. Confronting the collapse of border control in towns buckling under illegal migration. These aren’t abstract policy musings or faculty lounge hypotheticals. They’re the things that matter when you’re trying to build a future, not just curate a narrative.
Importantly, many of these women still want romance. They want doors held open. They want men who can pick up a check without needing a payment plan. They want to feel safe walking home at night without clutching pepper spray like a rosary. That doesn’t make them internalized misogynists. It makes them human. Feminism told them chivalry was patriarchal manipulation. Now they’re wondering—who exactly benefits from a world where women are expected to salivate over spineless, self-censoring men with no direction? The answer, in case you’re wondering, is no one.
It’s no accident Reform’s message is spreading like wildfire on TikTok. Farage doesn’t need to learn the latest dance or prostrate himself before every intersectional altar. He just speaks. Plainly. And in a culture drowning in therapeutic word salad, clarity is revolutionary.
Farage is the antidote to political castration and ideological spam, to the men who refer to sex as “emotional labor.” Reform isn’t perfect, but at least it speaks English. At least it names the illness instead of prescribing more of it.
So if you want to understand why more women—specifically young women—are gravitating toward Farage, don’t consult your gender studies professor. Ask them directly;
they’ll tell you. They’re tired of soft posturing dressed up as virtue, tired of living in a culture where strength is pathologized and vision is treated like violence.
And they’re not alone. More and more Brits feel the same. Farage knows it. And unlike the rest of Westminster, he doesn’t run from it—he runs on it.
This article (Woke Men, Broke Women: The Sexual Politics of Reform UK) was created and published by Restoration Bulletin and is republished here under “Fair Use” with attribution to the author John Mac Ghlionn
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Does Farage need to shift to the centre?
JOE BARON
Reform UK are flying high in the polls. A recent Ipsos survey gave them 34 per cent of the vote, nine points ahead of Labour and more than enough to comfortably form the next Government. A YouGov MRP poll of 11,000 people, moreover, predicted a Reform UK victory, albeit one defanged by a hung parliament. The betting money is on Farage’s turquoise army, even if they are not yet a shoo-in for the kind of outright victory needed to take on the Westminster blob and radically transform the country.
Some would argue, however, that to become a ‘shoo-in’ and avoid a hung parliament, Farage needs to tack to the left and embrace a centrist programme. ‘Elections are won on the centre-ground,’ commentators tediously parrot, as if reciting a catechism for politicos written by the PPE department at Oxford. A month before last year’s General Election, Jeremy Hunt warned against a Tory lurch to the right, saying, ‘Elections are won from the centre ground.’ Theresa May said much the same thing in a Times comment piece after the election in September 2024, blaming the Conservative Party’s defeat on a tack to the right that, I must say, passed me by. She included the line (you guessed it), ‘Elections in the UK are won on the centre ground.’
Kamal Ahmed, the Daily Telegraph columnist, evinced the same banal, unimaginative thinking in an article dated 9th June 2024, less than a month before the election, in which he warned that ‘If the Tories move Right, they will be out for 20 years’. Well, they didn’t move Right, Kamal, and I suspect they’ll be out for forty. Just because your A-Level politics textbook said that elections are always won from the centre, doesn’t make it axiomatically true, especially when 2.5 million angry abstainers refused to vote at the last election, utterly sick of the centrist mush on offer from the two main parties.
Farage must resist the urge to listen. Apart from a few exceptions, elections are not won from, on, or anywhere near, the centre ground. These anachronistic voices are beguiling echoes from the New Labour years, not insightful nuggets of advice from an enlightened elite class uniquely in touch with reality, no matter what they claim. Yes, Tony Blair shifted Labour to the centre because they were unelectable in their previous, unashamedly socialist, incarnation. However, Cameron’s attempts to mimic Blair’s fabled centre-ground strategy had unconvincing results. A hung parliament in 2010, leading to a Coalition Government, was followed by a small Conservative majority in 2015, one that narrowly scraped over the line, only after offering to hold a referendum on the UK’s membership of the EU (not really a centrist policy that one).
And let us not forget the other Conservative centrists. Theresa May in 2017, John Major in 1997, and, of course, Rishi Sunak in 2019: all electorally unsuccessful yet determined to occupy the centre-ground of British politics. Tell me, Mrs May, if elections are won from the centre, why did you lose your majority in 2017? In contrast, why did Boris win the 2019 election so handsomely? You couldn’t exactly call promises to ‘get Brexit done’ and lower immigration centrist positions. And what about the most successful modern Conservative leader of all, Margaret Thatcher? She won three elections from the Right, not the centre.
It’s clear. The oft cited assertion that elections are invariably won from the centre is inaccurate. Furthermore, such claims are largely based upon the assumptions of a generation of starry-eyed Blair-gazers, beguiled by his electoral success, and unable to acknowledge the decline in voter turnout that his centrist strategy precipitated, as well as the constitutional and societal implications of his policies in office.
Farage must ignore them. People are sick to death of the so-called centrist parties – parties, remember, that gave us the moderate policies of mass immigration and Net Zero -, that’s why they are voting for Reform UK in such unprecedented and large numbers. It would indeed be a monumental mistake to listen to the Blair-gazers and copy a passé strategy that’s doomed to fail.
Joe Baron is a teacher and a writer, published in The Spectator, The Sun, the TES, Breitbart, Conservative Home, The Conservative Woman and The Daily Telegraph. His blog can be found here.
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This article (Does Farage need to shift to the centre?) was created and published by The New Conservative and is republished here under “Fair Use” with attribution to the author Joe Baron
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