Rifkind, Blunkett and Straw give Starmer cover to suspend the ECHR
ANDREW GIMSON
Sir Malcolm Rifkind announced in a letter to Friday’s Times that he has changed his mind. This Conservative former Foreign Secretary now favours withdrawing from, or suspending, the European Convention on Human Rights “so far as it applies to illegal migrants”.
He “salutes” two former Home Secretaries, David Blunkett and Jack Straw, both of them Labour, for reaching the same view, and hopes “the Prime Minister and the Cabinet will accept that this is the only way of averting what is becoming a national crisis”.
Sir Keir Starmer finds himself in an uncomfortable predicament. He believes in human rights. In Tom Baldwin’s sympathetic account of him, published just before the last general election, we find Starmer saying that when he read Law at Leeds in the early 1980s, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations in 1948, “struck a deep chord with me – and it still does”.
Starmer tells Baldwin that the world came together, with Britain in the vanguard, to prevent any repetition of the “horror of Nazis being able to pass legislation in Germany which allowed them to torture, murder and massacre their own citizens”, and goes on:
“This was a way in which any government could be held to account for their actions, not because they had broken their own laws, but because they had committed crimes against humanity itself. Britain helped ensure that all people all around the world – the weakest as well as the most powerful, those who are different from us as well as those who are the same – have a right to demand freedom.”
Starmer reminds us, as defenders of human rights doctrine generally do, that two British Conservatives, Winston Churchill and David Maxwell Fife, led the way in enshrining those rights in the European Convention.
What now is the Prime Minister to do? He came to power promising to “smash the gangs”, but this he shows no sign of being able to achieve.
Meanwhile about 32,000 asylum seekers continue to be housed in hotels. Ministers have promised to end the use of hotels for this purpose by 2029. We shall see.
On Friday the Court of Appeal ruled that the Government can continue using the Bell Hotel in Epping to house asylum seekers.
It was at once clear that this was a pyrrhic victory, for it enabled Nigel Farage to assert that “illegal migrants now have more rights than the people of Essex”.
Let us forget for a moment Farage the irrepressible saloon-bar orator, and consider instead the weakness of Starmer’s position.
While still a law student, he came to believe, as he puts it above, that any government can be held to account for its actions, not because it has broken its own laws, but because it has committed crimes against humanity.
Human rights take priority. They are of universal application, rank above merely national law, and are generally asserted by human rights lawyers against the nation state.
This doctrine may act, no doubt, as a corrective to the overweening exercise of state power.
But it is a perilous doctrine for a Prime Minister to hold. The PM must uphold the law of the land. He or she has been elected on the understanding that defending the rights and freedoms of his or her compatriots takes priority.
Not long after the promulgation in 1948 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Michael Oakeshott said in his inaugural lecture as Professor of Political Science at the London School of Economics:
“Freedom, like a recipe for game pie, is not a bright idea; it is not a ‘human right’ to be deduced from some speculative concept of human nature. The freedom which we enjoy is nothing more than arrangements, procedures of a certain kind: the freedom of an Englishman is not something exemplified in the procedure of habeas corpus, it is, at that point, the availability of that procedure. And the freedom which we wish to enjoy is not an ‘ideal’ which we premeditate independently of our political experience, it is what is already intimated in that experience.”
The British, Americans and others found it expedient during and after the Second World War to issue various general statements about what it had all been for.
But the freedom they and others were defending had existed, and evolved, for many centuries before that. When they spoke of human rights, what they meant were the fundamental political rights which should exist in a democracy, and which, quite palpably, did not exist in the 1940s, and do not exist now, in large parts of the globe.
For Oakeshott, politics was “the pursuit of intimations; a conversation, not an argument”. He derided the idea that it was possible to provide an abstract of politics, a crib, a technical training which could take the place of the unselfconscious following of a tradition of behaviour.
When Starmer fell with delight as a young man on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, he perhaps mistook it for a kind of manual, which shows us what we should do.
But without interpretation in the light of circumstances, human rights are useless. Not long ago, Tony Blair assured us we were bringing the blessings of democracy and human rights to Afghanistan, and many so-called experts who knew nothing whatever about Afghan society, neither the languages nor the customs nor the history, were dispatched there to bring about this implausible transformation, which ended not many years later in headlong flight.
Does Starmer understand the discontent felt in many districts of Britain at the housing for years on end of asylum seekers in local hotels?
And does he regard the flying of national flags as a legitimate form of protest?
Perhaps he does. A few months in to his prime ministership, he took to describing himself as a pragmatist who will always act in the national interest. He is certainly enough of a pragmatist to have regard to his own interest.
The Conservatives are expected to announce before party conference that Britain should leave the ECHR, and to devote the conference itself to economic policy.
So although Farage is just now making the political weather, Starmer will not be acting alone if he decides the moment has come to suspend the ECHR “so far as it applies to illegal migrants”.
One might almost think Rifkind, Blunkett and Straw, all of them more experienced politicians than Starmer, have agreed to offer him cover, so the PM can claim not to have been blown off course by Farage.
See Related Article Below
ECHR Chains and the Epping Betrayal
TOM ARMSTRONG
The Court of Appeal’s decision to let the Bell Hotel in Epping continue housing hundreds of so-called “asylum seekers” is not some minor legal footnote, it is a flashing warning light that our rotten Establishment has Britain shackled to a foreign legal regime that undermines our borders, our communities, and our sovereignty. It also sends a clear signal that the government considers the ‘rights’ of illegal aliens as far more important than those of British citizens. It also makes it clear that Britain cannot now reasonably be considered a democracy.
The case was brought by Epping Forest District Council, backed by local residents furious that their town had been turned into an open reception centre for people who, in most cases, have no right whatsoever to be here, some of whom a serious risk to local people. The High Court had granted a temporary injunction, halting the Home Office’s plans to keep using the hotel. That injunction is now gone—overturned by three senior judges, who hid behind narrow procedural points while making it clear that Britain has no control of its borders, with our own government and its tame judiciary is complicit.
To nobody’s surprise there are credible reports that the three judges involved are reliably Left Wing, and almost certainly as woke and globalist as their boss, Attorney General Hermer, with whom the main judge shared chambers at human rights central, Matrix Chambers. He also seems to have been a leading member of The Society of Labour Lawyers and reports indicate that he is, or was, a member of the Fabian Society. The lady judge is reported to be a militant feminist and the third to be virulently anti-Brexit. It is reasonable to assume, therefore, that they will have had little sympathy for those demonstrating outside hotels housing illegals.
If you were deluded enough to think this government serious about stopping the boats, think again. In court, the government’s barristers did not argue from a position of strength, sovereignty, or national interest. Instead, they bent the knee to the framework that keeps these hotels running, the so-called “human rights” obligations imposed by the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). They spoke not of the rights of Epping’s residents to safety, stability, and control over their own town, but of the “rights” of those who have broken our immigration laws. They spoke of “asylum seekers” as if the term was synonymous with “illegal alien,” when in reality it is a legal label that anyone can claim after stepping illegally onto British soil.
These “rights” aren’t British. They aren’t enshrined in Magna Carta or Bill of Rights tradition. They are imported, unconstitutional, supranational obligations, wholly without democratic mandate, that bind us like a ball and chain to Strasbourg’s worldview, which sees independent free nations as a threat, border enforcement as cruelty, racist even, and law-breaking as a mere “irregularity”.
The Epping case was a chance to send a message: we got it wrong, sorry, and we are listening, local communities will no longer be dumping grounds for an immigration system that is has been hijacked by anti-British globalists. Instead, the judges signalled the opposite: that Whitehall will impose migrant hotels wherever it likes, for as long as it likes, without meaningful local consent or even, initially, knowledge.
Epping Forest District Council, forced into action by strong local opinion, was fighting not just for a building, but for the principle that the people who live in a place should have a strong voice in its future. Now that principle has been trashed, replaced by the diktats of globalist bureaucrats dripping with contempt for British patriotism.
But Britain is not taking this lying down and nor should we. Across the country, the Fly the Colours movement has exploded. St George’s Crosses and Union flags are going up in villages, towns, and cities as a statement of defiance. I urge everyone to join in. Make it grow so big that it cannot be ignored. Get your flags, hang them where you can, put them on the back seat of the car, anywhere visible. I recommend Hampshire Flags.
This isn’t about party politics, mostly a lost cause in Britain now – Reform and Advance excepted, we hope. No, it’s about the British people making it plain that we will not accept our country being turned into a soft touch for any Tom, Dick or Ali from third world ratholes, or our towns being commandeered as holiday camps for illegal aliens while our own elderly struggle to get GP appointments, our veterans sleep rough, and our housing list grows longer by the week.
We have seen protests outside hotels from Cornwall to the Highlands, often dismissed as “far right” by a sneering press. But they are made up of mams, dads, pensioners, and veterans, ordinary citizens who simply want the law enforced and their communities protected. And we have support from JD Vance, who also urges us to ‘push back’ against the spreading globalist tyranny.
It’s no good pretending that the “getting tough” on immigration rhetoric is anything other than lies. Even if the government really wanted to do something to stop it, which it doesn’t (it’s too good a camouflage for the astronomically high ‘legal’ immigration they are inflicting on us), while we are still bound by the ECHR there are plenty of mysteriously well-funded human rights lawyers, of whom Starmer, Hermer and Mrs Blair were once prominent, ready to thwart the democratic will of the British people. Every promise to “stop the boats” is a hollow soundbite so long as government lawyers keep citing Strasbourg case law to justify handing out taxpayer-funded hotel rooms to those who have come here illegally.
This is the root of the problem, the crutch that supports this evil system. The ECHR and the Human Rights Act give illegal arrivals a ready-made legal shield our government says, and our judiciary agrees, that our courts are duty-bound to apply. The result is inevitable: deportations never happen, removals never attempted, and hotels fill up.
The government’s “solution” is to process claims faster, but that’s meaningless if the law says you can’t remove people even after you’ve found they don’t qualify. And of course they almost always qualify, even if guilty of serious crimes. Until we legislate to strip out ECHR influence or leave it altogether, Britain will remain a borderless hotel for anyone willing to risk the Channel crossing, most likely to be ferried here by the pointless border force or the rotten RNLI. And the only way we can do that is by a bottom-up revolution that terminates the Uniparty control of our government.
We must all now call for the immediate closure of these hotels and the end of taxpayer funded subsidy of any description, including housing and legal aid for illegal immigrants. The deportation of all illegals should be made mandatory and begin now. For those that cannot be quickly deported secure reception centres – tent prisons – on remote government land need to be erected, with the speed they built the ‘Nightingale’ medical centres.
We need to make illegal entry an automatic bar to claiming asylum—no ifs, no buts. And we need to make it mandatory that British law is supreme and that we can disregard the ECHR where it blocks deportations or enables hotel sprawl.
The Court of Appeal’s ruling is not just a technical judgement. It is part of a bigger pattern: the slow-motion betrayal in which our courts, our laws, and even our own government’s lawyers side with foreign principles over British sovereignty.
The British public see it. That’s why the flags are going up. That’s why protests are growing. That’s why movements like Fly the Colours are spreading faster than the Establishment can dismiss them. This is the fight of our time: the right of the British people to decide who comes here, on what terms, and for how long. The Court of Appeal might have sided with the government’s ECHR excuses in Epping, but the people of Britain are siding with their country. And they’re not about to back down.
Don’t forget that insidious though it is, and a distinct sign of Establishment intentions, the Three Stooges, sorry Judge’s, treacherous decision overturns only the interim injunction to close the Epping hotel. The final verdict and the full hearing will be heard in October. We must do all we can between now and then to make the government’s life a misery, in the probably forlorn hope that they will listen. More on this later. They will probably not, but all that will do is to further inflame the growing anger of the British people.
This article (ECHR Chains and the Epping Betrayal) was created and published by Free Speech Backlash and is republished here under “Fair Use” with attribution to the author Tom Armstrong
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