Nazi Scum Off Our Streets: Hear, Hear!

On 13 September 2025, the streets of London hosted the drama of over a million peaceful, patriotic demonstrators calling for tighter borders and a renewed defence of British identity and sovereignty. Nobody who was there will doubt the size or the general good nature of the Patriots. There were black patriots, brown patriots, and a sizeable number of Oriental patriots. The only remotely unpleasant chant was a mocking ‘Kier Starmer’s a Wanker.’ In short, the Patriots were generally welcoming, good natured and civilised.

The contrast with the small gaggle of about 5,000 counter-protesters was stark. Many were hate-filled, snarling and masked, from the mysteriously well-funded likes of Stand Up To Racism, Unite Against Fascism, Antifa and their assorted allies. The chants rang out with the predictability of a script written for simpletons: “Nazi scum off our streets” repeated endlessly. Placards were waved, insults were hurled, and a few scuffles broke out. For the cameras, the ‘anti-fascists’ posed as defenders of democracy against the menace of the Far Right. And of course, this is how the MSM presented it, while inflating the anti-fascist numbers and deflating the Patriot’s.

Looking at videos of the march, one by a US journalist showed him getting in amongst the heroes of the MSM and, choosing a relatively normal looking one, asked him a few questions, starting with what he meant by the Far Right. Straightaway came the answer: ‘fascists.’ So, asked the reporter, how do you define fascist? A pause, a look around for help, another pause, and then it hit him ‘racists’ he declared triumphantly, thus demonstrating yet again the ignorance of the Left. Soon, as the crowd around sensed a lack of sympathy from the reporter, they demonstrated that other main characteristic of the Left – viciousness, as they began to accuse him of being a fascist.

Nobody with any knowledge of fascism will miss the irony. The very groups shouting “Nazi” behaved with the same spirit and tactics that Mussolini’s black shirted squadristi and Hitler’s brown shirted Sturmabteilung pioneered almost a century ago, marching under banners, chanting in lockstep and using the same intimidatory tactics. The irony is sharper still, for the Nazi and the fascist movements, like today’s Leftist protesters that claim to oppose them, were themselves born out of socialism, regarding their movements as superior, more evolved forms of socialism.

The Nazi Party’s name was not an accident, nor a cynical trick. The Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei declared its programme openly in 1920, demanding the nationalisation of industries, the confiscation of war profits, state-directed welfare, and sweeping land reforms, policies remarkably similar to Jeremy Corbyn’s and those of The Socialist Workers Party. Hitler himself boasted in a 1927 speech: “We are socialists, we are enemies of today’s capitalistic economic system for the exploitation of the economically weak, with its unfair salaries, with its unseemly evaluation of a human being according to wealth and property instead of responsibility and performance.” Once in power, he enacted vast public works programmes such as the Autobahn, created the National Labour Service to conscript men into state work, abolished independent unions and replaced them with the German Labour Front, and rolled out Kraft durch Freude, the largest state welfare programme in Europe. It was not laissez-faire capitalism that defined the Third Reich but a collectivist, statist order in which the economy was subordinated to the State. What made it distinct from Stalin’s globalist Bolshevism was the marriage of socialism to racial nationalism. This was socialism with a nationalist twist. So yes, National Socialism was racist. But Mussolini’s fascism was not.

Mussolini’s story is, if anything, even more revealing. Before the Great War, Mussolini was a rising star in Italy’s Socialist Party, editor of its newspaper Avanti! and a fierce revolutionary syndicalist. He broke with the party not because he rejected socialism, but because he supported Italy’s entry into the war, thinking it would lead to a worker’s revolution. Out of that break came a new creed, fascism, which he later defined in words that sum up the Globalist goal: “Everything in the State, nothing outside the State, nothing against the State,” the very essence of collectivist socialism. The Globalists, of course, mean a Global state, run on totalitarian lines by themselves, in perpetuity.

Fascism was not, therefore, born from conservatism or liberalism; it was born from the socialist conviction that the collective stands above the individual, that government must command society, and that violence is a legitimate tool of transformation. Mussolini’s squadristi, were shock troops in the service of this collectivist vision, using intimidation and beatings to silence dissent. Like the Bolsheviks in Russia and Antifa here today, they elevated violence into a political tool.

It is impossible to omit the fact that greatest killers of the twentieth century all came from this same collectivist tradition. All rejected democracy. Lenin rejected parliamentary gradualism and imposed Bolshevik dictatorship by force, inaugurating the Red Terror. Stalin collectivised agriculture at the cost of millions of lives, built the gulag system and purged all opposition. Mao Zedong unleashed the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution, producing tens of millions of deaths by famine and political persecution. Hitler pursued a racialised form of socialism that redistributed wealth and privilege to the “people’s community” while exterminating those deemed to be outside it. Lenin, Stalin, Mao, Hitler: different banners, same collectivist creed. The same rejection of the liberal principle that individuals have rights beyond the grasp of the state.

And the people screaming ‘Nazi Scum Off Our Streets’ are of the same ilk.

One of the most recognisable features of fascism was its street tactics, now copied by the Far-Left groups so often seen on our streets. The squadristi and Hitler’s SA terrorised opponents, smash printing presses, broke up meetings and make public life impossible for those who resisted them. Politics was not persuasion but coercion. Today’s militant left groups, Antifa, Hope Not Hate, Stand Up To Racism, and UAF mimic those tactics in the name of anti-fascism. They claim to fight “hate,” but in practice they police speech, intimidate opponents, and deploy mob power to silence dissent. Look at the masked formations of Antifa, the rent-a-mob of Stand Up To Racism, the orchestrated rallies of Unite Against Fascism, or the doxxing campaigns of Hope Not Hate, to see fascist tactics at work. Their aim is not to engage, still less to persuade, but to silence. Their method is disruption, intimidation, the spectacle of force. They call themselves anti-fascists, but their behaviour and their ideology mirrors precisely the paramilitary fascists of the 1930s.

The parallel extends further when one follows the money. Unite Against Fascism, formed in 2003, is backed by the Socialist Workers Party and major trade unions such as Unite and Unison. The SWP rejects parliamentary democracy, advocating revolutionary overthrow, and in the past it has expressed sympathy for the IRA and violent campaigns against Israel. Stand Up To Racism functions as UAF’s street-mobilisation wing, with Labour MPs and union leaders frequently lending it credibility. Hope Not Hate presents itself as a respectable charity, but its structure includes both a charitable trust and a campaigning arm, funded by six-figure grants from foundations, unions, and local government contracts. Antifa, being decentralised, relies on looser networks of NGOs, bail funds, and sympathetic crowdfunders. These are not ragtag student outfits; they are movements sustained by serious institutional funding.

The uncomfortable truth for the Far Left is that fascism and National Socialism were not alien to socialism but grew from its very soul. They were collectivist ideologies, exalting the state over the individual, and sharing the socialist hostility to democracy, liberal pluralism, individual liberty, free speech and free markets. The fascist pedigree of socialism is not incidental; it is foundational. It is impossible to build any form of socialist state without incorporating fascism. The division with Bolshevism was not between left and right but between international and national, between different versions of the same collectivist impulse. To deny this history is to erase the lessons of the last century.

This matters because the tactics of fascism are alive today in the very movements that parade as its enemies. When masked mobs prevent their opponents from speaking, when charities publish dossiers to get dissidents fired, when unions bankroll organisations that shut down lawful demonstrations, they are not defending democracy but corroding it. Street violence, whether clothed in black or brown, is the language of authoritarianism. Funding it in the name of “anti-racism” does not alter its character; it legitimises it.

The lesson of the twentieth century is not the one that the left has succeeded in making mainstream. Fascism is not a creature of the “far right,” alien and opposed to socialism. On the contrary, the real lesson is that fascism and socialism are born of the same collectivist family, differing only in tribe and symbol but united in their contempt for the individual. The further lesson, more urgent still, is that the groups who march today under banners of anti-fascism while silencing their opponents are reproducing the very essence of the totalitarian movements they claim to fight. To look into that mirror is to see a disturbing reflection. Those shouting “Nazi scum off our streets” have inherited more from the Nazis than they know.