Baroness Casey’s damning audit has finally forced the Labour government to launch a national inquiry into the Pakistani Muslim grooming gangs
CONNOR TOMLINSON
Baroness Louise Casey’s new National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse has forced the Labour government to launch a national inquiry into the Pakistani rape gang scandal. In 2015, Casey produced the damning report on Rotherham, where witnesses said “you couldn’t bring up race issues in meetings… or you would be branded a racist”, and “If we mentioned Asian taxi drivers we were told we were racist and the young people were seen as prostitutes”. Little has changed. Despite data showing a disproportionate overrepresentation of Pakistani men among child predators, Casey writes that “we found many examples of organisations avoiding the topic altogether for fear of appearing racist, raising community tensions or causing community cohesion problems”. The cover-up was deliberate, for reasons of political correctness, and has continued for decades.
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Home Secretary Yvette Cooper, flanked by the ashen faces of the Labour frontbench, announced the implementation of a number of Casey’s recommendations. Planned local inquiries will be supervised by a “time-limited” national commission with statutory powers. Girls convicted of “child prostitution” offences will have their convictions overturned and criminal records expunged (the term was only replaced with “child sexual exploitation” in legislation by the Serious Crime Act in 2015). The law will be changed to apply the charge of rape to adults who engage in penetrative sex with a child under the age of 16. A loophole allowing foreign taxi drivers to practice without a British license will be closed, aiming to disrupt the gangs’ trafficking network. Reporting of child sexual abuse suspects’ ethnicity will also be made mandatory.
When Casey asked for data on child sexual exploitation from the Ministry of Justice, His Majesty’s Courts and Tribunal Service, and the Crown Prosecution Service, she was told “No data was available on numbers of child sexual exploitation or group-based child sexual exploitation cases in the criminal justice system.” She also discovered “There is no data published by children’s services about group-based child sexual exploitation.”:
“Despite reviews, reports and inquiries raising questions about men from Asian or Pakistani backgrounds grooming and sexually exploiting young White girls, the system has consistently failed to fully acknowledge this or collect accurate data so it can be examined effectively.”
Ethnicity is not recorded for two-thirds of perpetrators. 9 of the 51 local child-safeguarding reviews listed by Casey state “Asian” perpetrators as the majority. One lists white perpetrators, while the remaining 35 didn’t report ethnicity or nationality at all. Of the 35% of cases where victims’ ethnicity was recorded, 87% were white British. But for perpetrators, Casey says,
“The national data on ethnicity recorded against suspects is poor, whether collected through self-definition or ethnic appearance128 . It is not good enough to support any statements about the ethnicity of group-based child sexual exploitation offenders at the national level.”
Neil O’Brien MP has suggested these omissions are deliberate, given the sex of the perpetrator is almost always recorded by police. Casey confirmed this on Sky News, saying she saw “the word Pakistani Tipp-exed out” in one child’s case file.
Ethnicity is not recorded for two-thirds of perpetrators. 9 of the 51 local child-safeguarding reviews listed by Casey state “Asian” perpetrators as the majority. One lists white perpetrators, while the remaining 35 didn’t report ethnicity or nationality at all. Of the 35% of cases where ethnicity was recorded, 87% were white British. Neil O’Brien MP has suggested these omissions are deliberate, given the sex of the perpetrator is almost always recorded by police. Casey confirmed this on Sky News, saying she saw “the word Pakistani Tipp-exed out” in one child’s case file.
Data compiled by Casey provides a clearer picture. Only 28% of perpetrators are white, with 66% not having their ethnicity recorded. But suspect data from police districts allows us to get a clearer picture. In Manchester, “Asians” make up 20.9% of the population, but 54% of child sexual offence suspects. In Rotherham, ethnic Pakistanis make up 4% of the population, but 64% of child sexual abuse and exploitation perpetrators.
Source: National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (16 June 2025), p. 85..
In West Yorkshire, 35% of suspects are “Asian” compared to 34% white. 24% of suspects did not have their ethnicity recorded, meaning Asians could be overrepresented by 2 to 4 times their share of the local population among child sexual exploitation offence suspects, and Pakistanis by 21 times their share of the national population. This corresponds with data reported by Courage Media, which found Pakistanis were 21.48% of all suspects, Asian suspects a possible 42.73%, and a fifth of all suspects had no ethnicity recorded in West Yorkshire. Fiona Goddard, a survivor and campaigner from Bradford, told the BBC that the “vast majority” of those who abused her “were Pakistani men”:
“I do not believe it was just a misunderstanding and not understanding the crime or the victims. I think that the crime was allowed to happen, one, because of the race of the perpetrators, and two, because of who the victims were.”
Casey also found “a significant proportion of these cases appear to involve suspects who are non-UK nationals and/or who are claiming asylum in the UK”. The government are now promising to legislate against allowing sex offenders to claim asylum — something which should never have happened in the first place, and wouldn’t, if Keir Starmer hadn’t written the textbook for lawyers on how to apply the Human Rights Act (1998) to frustrate deportation claims with appeals to the European Convention on Human Rights. This follows a number of high profile cases including chemical attacker Abdul Ezedi, who had been refused asylum twice by the Home Office after committing a sexual assault and exposure offence, before a judge overturned the ruling because Ezedi underwent a fake conversion to Christianity (He was given an Islamic funeral, after drowning himself in the Thames during a nationwide manhunt).
The government are now promising to legislate against allowing sex offenders to claim asylum — something which should never have happened in the first place, and wouldn’t, if Keir Starmer hadn’t written the textbook for lawyers on how to apply the Human Rights Act (1998) to frustrate deportation claims with appeals to the European Convention on Human Rights.
It should not shock us that foreign rapists have exploited Britain’s permissive asylum system, enticed to cross the English Channel by adverts depicting British women as the spoils of conquest, and are now participating in the rape gangs. Last week, over 1,500 illegal immigrants were recorded crossing in small boats.
Contractor SERCO is offering private landlords five-year guaranteed contracts, covering all rent, bills, and tax, to house illegal migrants and asylum seekers. The National Audit Office estimates asylum costs will be triple those projected by the previous Conservative government, at £15.3 billion and rising. As former Greater Manchester Police detective Maggie Oliver has stated, “increased levels of illegal immigration and young men with different value systems who are coming to the country” will make the problem worse.
Casey dedicates an entire chapter in her report to rape gang “Denial”. She condemns members of the media and Parliament who use crimes committed by white British pedophiles to obfuscate the scale and nature of the Pakistani rape gangs:
“The system claims there is an overwhelming problem with White perpetrators when that can’t be proved. This does no one any favours at all, and least of all those in the Asian, Pakistani or Muslim communities who needlessly suffer as those with malicious intent use this obfuscation to sow and spread hatred.”
It is notable that the BBC, reporting on Casey’s audit, took hours to stealth-edit the word “Pakistani” into their article.
This “system” presumably include Leader of the House of Commons, Labour MP Lucy Powell dismissing a question about the rape gang scandal as “blow[ing] a little trumpet” and a “dog whistle”; Foreign Secretary David Lammy, who accused the then-Home Secretary, Sajid Javid of “pander[ing] to the far-right” and “bring[ing] a great office of state into disrepute” for celebrating the sentencing of 20 rape gang perpetrators; Health Secretary Wes Streeting, who said “irresponsible and coarse public discourse” about the ethnicity and religion of the rape gangs would cause another mosque shooting, as occurred in Christchurch, New Zealand; and Keir Starmer himself, who called those demanding a national inquiry “jumping on the bandwagon of the far-Right”.
Casey certainly means Home Office minister Jess Phillips. When Phillips could no longer make the biggest child abuse scandal in British history about herself, and how mean Elon Musk was being to her on X, she tried to quietly abandon the promised five local inquiries. Phillips voted against a national inquiry, but now insists she was the real hero all along. “Absolutely not me, I have never turned a blind eye”, Phillips told BBC Newsnight, after defending Starmer’s “far right bandwagon” speech on LBC earlier that day. It’s hard for Phillips to maintain her halo, when Casey cited Phillips’ refusal to help Oldham council conduct an independent inquiry into the rape gangs as the moment she became “duly unimpressed” with the government’s response, and made her feel a national inquiry is necessary. Marlon West, father of Greater Manchester grooming gang survivor Scarlett, said today at Kemi Badenoch’s press conference that a meeting with Phillips left him feeling like he “had the door slammed in my face … I do not trust them.”
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Jess Phillips blocked a national inquiry into grooming gangs—then claimed credit. Survivors and officials say she failed them when it mattered most.
What about Labour MP for Telford, Shaun Davies, who complained in Parliament that former Home Secretary, Amber Rudd and former Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak “refused to provide a statutory inquiry” into rape gangs in Telford? While leader of Telford and Wrekin Council, in 2016, Davies signed a letter telling Rudd that “we do not feel at this time that a further inquiry is necessary”. Or Labour MP for Bradford West, Naz Shah, who insisted Muslims are “deeply concerned about grooming gangs” and “stand on the side of the victims” whereas “those that display selective outrage or fan the flames to blame entire communities do nothing to protect the victims”? In 2017, Shah liked and retweeted an Owen Jones parody account, which said “Those abused girls in Rotherham and elsewhere just need to shut their mouths. For the good of diversity.”
Presumably, the Home Secretary missed this part of Casey’s report, because she told the Commons yesterday that “all ethnicities and communities are involved in appalling child abuse crimes” and the “vast majority of our British Asian and Pakistani heritage communities continue to be appalled by these terrible crimes, and agree that the criminal minority of sick predators and perpetrators in every community must be dealt with robustly by the criminal law”. But where are the protests against the abuse committed in their name? Many had no trouble turning out in the streets to march for Palestine since October 7th. This is another politically correct fiction, repeated by Cooper to protect the reputation of Pakistani enclaves in Britain.
Bell Ribeiro-Addy did the same during today’s Home Affairs Select Committee hearing. “A lot of the time these issues are about closed patriarchal groups of men, which, you point out, exist in all races and all ethnicities”, she said. “They even exist in this House. They’re the scourge of the earth, if you want to call them that.” In trying to deflect from the ethnic and religious composition of the Pakistani Muslim rape gangs, Ribeiro-Addy compared her fellow MPs to the rapists. She expressed more concern about how “the issue of race … has really been quite loud” and how concerns about mass legal and illegal migration are “synonymous” with racism, than about the rape gangs themselves.
Even in Casey’s courageous work, that too much emphasis is still being placed on how:
“flawed data is used repeatedly to dismiss claims about ‘Asian grooming gangs’ as sensationalised, biased or untrue … does a disservice to victims and indeed all law-abiding people in Asian communities and plays into the hands of those who want to exploit it to sow division.”
During today’s hearing, Casey condemned the lack of data gathering as “a different level of public irresponsibility” considering “the prejudice and racism that people of colour experience in this country”. Casey insists that, despite the clear pattern of offenders, “We cannot and should not draw any conclusions from individual nationalities or cultures alone.” But why not? Were it the other way around, there would be a national reckoning over white British men raping, torturing, and murdering Muslim girls.
Casey insists that, despite the clear pattern of offenders, “We cannot and should not draw any conclusions from individual nationalities or cultures alone.” But why not? Were it the other way around, there would be a national reckoning over white British men raping, torturing, and murdering Muslim girls.
It is not the fault of a phantom far-right that the British public have an increasingly negative opinion of the Pakistani enclaves in their country. It is the fault of the Pakistani men who rape British children; and of the Pakistani women who blame victims, attack survivors, and cover for their husbands’, cousins’, fathers’, brothers’, and sons’ crimes to avoid “siding with the white ‘enemy’”.
Rupert Lowe’s independent inquiry will still go ahead. Lowe refuses to be deterred from exploring anti-white racism and Islam as factors motivating the rape gangs by being called racist. All evidence will be made publicly available, to subject the government’s inquiry to scrutiny. Casey’s audit has shattered some powerful taboos, but Parliament is still trying to avoid telling the truth about the rape gangs.
This article (GROOMING GANG DENIAL IS DEAD) was created and published by Courage Media and is republished here under “Fair Use” with attribution to the author Connor Tomlinson
See Related Article Below
Pakistani Muslim Rape Gangs: the Truth Finally?
FRANK HAVILAND
Let me declare from the outset that despite the febrile atmosphere created by the Casey audit, I was against a national inquiry into the mass rape of White British girls by Pakistani Muslims (or ‘grooming gangs’ if you still prefer the euphemism). As I wrote at the time it was first proposed:
“Here’s where I’m going to shock you – we the people don’t want a public inquiry either. We’ve been here before, don’t forget. The Jay Report took seven years and just shy of £187 million to tell us absolutely nothing. It was a cover-up of cover-ups – a whitewash so sanitised even Dulux couldn’t market it. It followed in the footsteps of similar reports from Rochdale (2013), Rotherham (2014), Telford (2022), and Oldham (2022) – all of which preached apologies and avowed that ‘lessons must be learned.’ In 2022, the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) finished with a list of 20 recommendations. Want to bet how many of those have been implemented? That’s right, not a single one.”
I still have my reservations. According to Baroness Casey, the report’s author, a national inquiry could take up to five years to complete – which, if past reports are anything to go by, means closer to ten. That’s another decade the victims simply don’t have.
Unsurprisingly, I was not alone in my opposition. So too were a fair proportion of the Labour front-benches, although naturally for different reasons. Foreign Secretary, David Lammy, argued simply “We’ve had a national inquiry”. Leader of the Commons, Lucy Powell, dismissed the issue as ‘dog-whistle’ politics. Jess Phillips, the safeguarding minister, refused Oldham Council’s request for a government-led public inquiry – which of course had nothing to do with her wafer-thin Birmingham Yardley majority, a seat which is 35% Muslim. Keir Starmer meanwhile, recently remarked that those calling for national inquiry were “jumping on far-Right bandwagon”. In fact, not one of Labour’s 403 MPs could bring themselves to vote for an inquiry.
The Prime Minister is no stranger to U-turns however, having already flip-flopped on the issue of raising taxes, winter fuel payments for pensioners, and whether transwomen are women. Indeed, Starmer rarely seems confident in his own beliefs until officialdom informs him of what they are. This latest Damascene conversion suggests that Starmer either now accepts, concern over the mass rape, torture and murder of little girls is not a ‘far-right’ bandwagon, or that if it is, it’s one he’s willing to get on-board with. Naturally, his response to the Casey audit was spun slightly differently:
“I have read every single word of her report and I am going to accept her recommendation. That is the right thing to do on the basis of what she has put in her audit.”
Having resisted an inquiry for months, despite overwhelming public demand, the reality is more likely to be that Morgan McSweeney took Starmer aside, held a gun to his head and politely explained the meaning of Hobson’s choice. Whatever the exact influence of Elon Musk’s intervention, GB News’ reporting, pressure from Reform UK and the Tories, Labour tanking in the polls, Labour MPs breaking cover, the cover-up of Southport, and the unmistakable sense that the public not only ‘know’ they are being lied to, but have had enough of it – a national inquiry was simply unavoidable.
Like the PM, I too have read ‘every single word’ – and while there is little (if anything at all) that wasn’t already available in the public domain – Casey’s audit is at least comparatively frank, clarifies some major issues, and coalesces with a public mood demanding not just answers but actions.
Here follows my summary of her findings:
The scale of the problem:
Around 500,000 children a year are likely to experience child sexual abuse. Police recorded crime data shows just over 100,000 offences of child sexual abuse and exploitation were recorded in 2024, with around 60% of these being contact offences (and the remainder online offences). The most common age for victims is between 10 and 15 years old (57% in 2023). Although typically ignored by reports, boys constitute one in five victims.
Underreporting:
Estimates of reporting rates for rape or assault by penetration before age 16 suggest that only around 7% of victims and survivors inform the police at the time of the offence, with only 18% informing the police at any point
Ethnicity:
The ethnicity of perpetrators is shied away from and is still not recorded for two-thirds of perpetrators. Despite reviews, reports and inquiries raising questions about men from Asian or Pakistani backgrounds grooming and sexually exploiting young White girls, the system has consistently failed to fully acknowledge this or collect accurate data so it can be examined effectively.
However, there is enough evidence available in local police data in three police force areas which we examined which show disproportionate numbers of men from Asian ethnic backgrounds amongst suspects for group-based child sexual exploitation, as well as in the significant number of perpetrators of Asian ethnicity identified in local reviews and high-profile child sexual exploitation prosecutions across the country, to at least warrant further examination.
Example: Operation Stovewood (Rotherham)
The National Crime Agency’s Operation Stovewood pursues historical cases of child sexual abuse and exploitation (CSAE) in Rotherham. They were able to provide us with the following data on the ethnicity of perpetrators in their investigations.
For a total of 323 designated CSAE suspects in Operation Stovewood, nearly two-thirds were recorded as coming from a Pakistani ethnic background, significantly higher than the proportion of South Yorkshire’s or Rotherham’s Pakistani ethnic population (2.4% and 4% respectively):
Cover-ups:
South Yorkshire Police were incompetent at best – sometimes turning a blind eye, but often actively enabling abuse – and corrupt at worst.
Rotherham Council sought an injunction against Times journalist Andrew Norfolk to prevent him from publishing grooming gang stories, and then asked South Yorkshire Police to launch a criminal inquiry into who had leaked the information to him.
The ‘downgrading’ of sexual abuse:
The table below shows that, in 1993/4, there were equal numbers of children placed on child protection plans for neglect (6,400) and sexual abuse (6,400). Thirty years later, the number of children on child protection plans for neglect has risen to 30,950 while those on child protection plans for sexual abuse has fallen to 2,160:
Direct link with illegal immigration:
The Casey audit noted that a significant proportion of these cases appear to involve suspects who are non-UK nationals and/or who are claiming asylum in the UK.
Accountability:
Across years of failure, no single individual has been held accountable for what everyone accepts were injustices.
In the short to medium-term it’s going to be fascinating observing the frantic rewriting of history, as indulged by lockdown fanatics post-Covid – those who subsequently claimed not to have called for the punishment, banning, and refusal of NHS treatment to ‘antivaxxers’.
Unlike previous whitewashes (sorry, reports), this time the panic amongst those who branded whistleblowers as ‘racist’ or ‘Islamophobic’ is palpable.
Here for instance, if former CPS prosecutor Nasir Afzal, who appears to have suddenly understood the role of ethnicity in grooming:
https://x.com/ArchRose90/status/1934656004412854592
Next up is Guardian journalist Owen Jones, who definitely never denied that Pakistani Muslims were systematically raping White British girls:
https://x.com/Basil_TGMD/status/1934949567646126269
Then we’ve got safeguarding minister, Jess Phillips, who famously compared mass Muslim sexual assault to a night out in Birmingham, finally admitting the ethnicity of the rapists (although naturally, she does quickly segue into her preferred topic of misandry).
https://x.com/JamesPGoddard90/status/1934968096487608639
Moreover, fresh information is seeping out – even from the blob (Civil Service), which is customarily immune from such revelations. According to former Downing Street Chief advisor, Dominic Cummings, Whitehall officials tried to cover up the grooming scandal back in 2011, and prevent Times journalist Andrew Norfolk from publishing the story.
Anyone who thinks the battle is now won or even close to being won, might want to rein in their excitement a little. Baroness Casey has confirmed that the grooming gangs are still operating, as are the efforts to cover them up. Perhaps the single most egregious cause of this, is the deference given to accusations of ‘racism’. Not merely that racism might be objectionable or unpleasant, but the sense that the mere suggestion of racism is ‘worse’ than the gang rape of children. To illustrate that, consider that child victims of gang rape were taken to court for ‘racially abusing’ their attackers, while the attackers themselves were not investigated until years later. Even now, the race card is still impeding the protection of victims. Only this year, efforts by a Labour councillor to install CCTV in taxis (a major tool of grooming gangs) was rejected. And thanks to accusations of ‘racism’ the councillor, Daisy Blakemore-Creedon, quit her role.
Imperfect though it may be, at the very least the Casey audit confirms what many of the vilified among us (Mark Steyn, Tommy Robinson etc) have been saying for decades. It also should serve to put a number of famous Westminster lies to bed, once and for all:
- Multiculturalism is now a busted flush, and its pedlars should be metaphorically (if not actually) tarred and feathered in the public sphere.
- Mass immigration, instead of a net benefit to Britain, is nothing short of the DIRECT import of child rapists.
- The small boats crisis, far from a non issue about which nothing can be done, must be solved immediately (on an emergency footing if necessary), with mass deportations to follow.
Furthermore, never again can the authorities be allowed to neglect aspects of their work (e.g. data collection), nor be trusted to mark their own homework. Those responsible for the cover-ups must be held accountable, and never again trusted with so much as a lollipop lady’s brief.
Whether the actual inquiry will ultimately uncover the truth, the full extent of the cover-up, and deliver justice for the victims remains to be seen. I confess, I have reservations about Casey herself. As a former New Labour operator, touted for a ministerial post in Starmer’s government, her background does not exactly inspire confidence in her political neutrality. Her recent comments on the EDL for instance, reveal precisely the kind of snobbery at the working-class which contributed to so many victims being ignored in the first place:
https://x.com/TRobinsonNewEra/status/1934726902322729060
Meanwhile, as we speak, a further 2,000 undocumented males have crossed the English Channel in dinghies. How many of them will go on to commit crimes against children? And who, finally, will take responsibility for putting an end to it?
Frank Haviland is the author of Banalysis: The Lie Destroying the West and The Frank Report, which you should probably subscribe to.
This piece was first published in The European Conservative, and is reproduced by kind permission.
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This article (Pakistani Muslim Rape Gangs: the Truth Finally?) was created and published by The New Conservative and is republished here under “Fair Use” with attribution to the author Frank Haviland
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